The WCCFL 2004 paper "What Gets Mapped to the Tripartite Structure of Quantification in Japanese" has been placed here.

The abstract of the paper is given below.

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What Gets Mapped to the Tripartite Structure of Quantification in Japanese
Hajime Hoji and Yasuo Ishii
Abstract

The paper endorses the view, advocated in Gunji & Hasida 1998 and Takami 1998, that the association between a 'floating' numeral-classifier in Japanese (such as 3-nin '3-classifier') and its 'host NP' is not grammatically constrained, unlike the 'standard' view that is suggested in Kuroda 1980 and argued for in Miyagawa 1989. It also supports the thesis, defended in Fukushima 1991, Gunji & Hasida 1998, and Kobuchi-Philip 2003, among others, that a numeral-classifier (#-CL) can be base-generated as an adverbial and a 'floating' numeral-classifier is indeed an adverbial. Miyagawa and Arikawa's (2003) account of 'long distance association' between a 'floating' #-CL and 'its host', in defense of the 'standard' view, is shown to make a wrong prediction. Some empirical materials are then considered where the #-CL and the 'host NP' together serve as the intended 'binder' of a 'dependent element' in terms of bound variable anaphora. It is suggested that both the #-CL and the 'host NP' in such cases must c-command the 'dependent element' prior to the application of LF movement. The Isomorphism Principle of Reinhart (1976) and Huang (1982) enables us to put forth testable predictions by making reference to surface forms, and a few of them are considered. The suggested analysis is based on the hypothesis that, in such cases as alluded to above, an adverbial #-CL and the 'host NP' get mapped to an operator and its restriction of the tripartite structure of quantification, and some consequences of the hypothesis are discussed.